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Greg Stewart — The Man Behind the Burger King

Dear reader, let us talk about the man who employs the Council President of Biloxi, Mississippi.

In our Burger King article, we reported that the Greg Stewart who controls Lodging & Leisure Investments was the same individual disbarred from the practice of law in 2004 following a federal extortion conviction. We based this on a 2018 Times-Picayune article that explicitly connected the disbarment to Lodging & Leisure, corroborated by fourteen additional public sources. That article is credible. It is still online. And it is clear in its connection between Greg Stewart and the disbarment.

On April 2, 2026, attorney Tim C. Holleman—counsel for parties adverse to this publication in pending federal litigation—contacted us—unsolicited, without being asked—asserting the two are different people. We replied with a nine-page dossier citing every source. Holleman then, on April 4, provided us with a property record and an address—57 Shoreline Lane, Gulfport, PPIN #43380—asserting it belonged to the disbarred attorney and his wife Susan (not Lori). Subsequent investigation confirmed his core assertion. The disbarred attorney’s legal name is Joe Gregory Stewart. The Lodging & Leisure developer is Gregory Scott Stewart. They are, more likely than not, different people.

We issued a temporary correction. It is published at the top of the Burger King article, and it will remain there while we contact NOLA.com to resolve the discrepancy with their reporting. Because credibility is not built by being right every time. It is built by saying so when you’re not.

But here is what has not changed. Not one word of it.

Greg Stewart—Managing Member, Manager One, Contact Member, and sole signatory on the Secretary of State filings—controls Lodging & Leisure. Not Lori. Greg. Kenny Glavan is his Area Director of Hotel Operations. Glavan is simultaneously the Biloxi City Council President and President of the Mississippi Hotel and Lodging Association. The conflict of interest does not depend on whether Greg Stewart was ever a lawyer. It depends on the fact that Glavan’s salary comes from the enterprise his votes protect.

In 2025, Airbnb filed a federal antitrust lawsuit—Case No. 1:25-cv-00333 in the Southern District of Mississippi—alleging that the City of Biloxi conspired with the Mississippi Hotel and Lodging Association to restrict short-term rental competition. And who serves as the President of the Mississippi Hotel and Lodging Association?

Kenny Glavan.

The lobbyists are not influencing the government. The lobbyists are the government. The Council President is simultaneously the President of the industry trade association that lobbies the very Council he presides over. He is the fox, the henhouse, and the farmer who hired the fox—all in one man, collecting three paychecks.

The Casino That Disappeared

In July 2016, the Vicksburg Post reported that “Vicksburg Hotel LLC, owner of the Portofino Hotel” was represented by “Gulfport attorney Bill Little” on behalf of owner Greg Stewart. This is the L&L Greg Stewart. The Margaritaville Greg Stewart. The Managing Member on the Secretary of State filings.

By August 2017, the Vicksburg Post identified “company representative Greg Stewart” as the spokesman for the Portofino Hotel / Margaritaville resort project in Vicksburg. He told the paper about plans and permits being submitted to the city’s community development department.

GGB News reported that Portofino Resort LLC was moving forward with a proposed 30,000-square-foot casino—and that an application had been filed with the Mississippi Gaming Commission.

Then, by February 2017, the plans changed. “Company representative, Greg Stewart, has not released any plans by Vicksburg Hotel LLC for the Portofino Hotel, but tells the Vicksburg Post that it will not include a casino.”

The casino application was filed. Then abandoned.

Under Mississippi gaming law, every principal of a casino applicant must undergo a suitability investigation—a deep background check into criminal history, financial history, associations, and character. Miss. Code Ann. § 75-76-65. And under § 75-76-103, a convicted felon is categorically barred from holding a gaming license. If Gregory Scott Stewart has something in his background that would fail a suitability check—even if it is not the disbarment—abandoning the casino application before the suitability investigation completes is exactly what you would do.

This is not the disbarred attorney. This is the L&L Greg Stewart. The articles identify him by name as the Vicksburg Hotel LLC representative, affiliated with Margaritaville Biloxi, working with Cono Caranna. This is Gregory Scott Stewart’s enterprise. And he walked away from a 30,000-square-foot casino rather than submit to a background check.

Three Vicksburg Post articles. One GGB News report. Greg Stewart quoted by name. Casino application filed, then abandoned, then “will not include a casino.” The suitability investigation under § 75-76-65 and the felony bar under § 75-76-103 explain the abandonment without needing anything else. The casino section stands on its own.

We are asking the question publicly, because the public deserves to know: What are you hiding, Kenny? What is in your boss’s background that made him walk away from the most profitable asset class in the State of Mississippi? What is he running from? And why are you—a sitting City Council President, a named federal defendant, a man who silences journalists and votes raises for perjurers—still clocking in for him every morning?

We will find out.

What Greg Stewart Is Actually Running From

We asked the question: why would a man who builds a multi-hundred-million-dollar hotel empire walk away from a 30,000-square-foot casino—the most profitable asset class in Mississippi—rather than let the Gaming Commission look at his background?

We found the answer. In Baldwin County, Alabama.

On May 21, 2012, Circuit Judge James H. Reid entered an Order Charging in SE Property Holdings LLC v. Platinum Investments LLC, Pilger David B., Stewart Gregory, Case No. CV-2009-900956.00. The order charges the individual financial interests of Gregory S. Stewart—middle initial S, for Scott—with payment of a Final Judgment in the amount of:

Six million, six hundred thirty-two thousand, six hundred fifty-three dollars. And forty-four cents.

The charging order attaches to Greg Stewart’s interests in twelve entities—including, by name, Lodging & Leisure Development, LLC. The full list: Kawi Development, LLC; LLDG Mobile Airport, LLC; Asset Management Direct, LLC; MS Palms, LLC; Guyton Place, LLC; Yukon Development, LLC; Antebellum, LLC; Platinum Investments, LLC; Lodging & Leisure Development, LLC; Colonial Manor, LLC; Nosidam, LLC; and CRF, LLC. Twelve companies. One man. One judgment. Every dollar of distributable interest from every one of those entities—ordered seized.

And the co-defendant? David B. Pilger. The same David Pilger who served as registered agent for Lodging & Leisure Development Group, LLC on every Secretary of State filing from 2009 through 2020. Not a stranger. Not an independent agent. A co-defendant in a $6.6 million lawsuit, named alongside Greg Stewart in the same court order. Pilger was replaced as registered agent in February 2020—the same filing in which the entity was reinstated after six years of dormancy and the agent was changed to John D. Moore. The same John D. Moore who organized LLI, LLC—the operating entity that lists Lori as Manager instead of Greg.

Now every question has an answer.

Why is Lori’s name on the operating entities? Because the charging order attaches to every distribution from every entity in which Gregory S. Stewart holds a financial interest. If Greg’s name is on the entity, the money flows to the judgment creditor. If Lori’s name is on the entity, the money flows to Lori. The nominee structure does not exist to conceal a criminal record. It exists to hide assets from a $6.6 million court judgment.

Why was the NOLA article never corrected? Because correcting it would require Greg Stewart to publicly identify himself, his entities, and his corporate structure—the same structure designed to evade the charging order. Being mistaken for a disbarred attorney was less dangerous than being found by a judgment creditor holding a $6.6 million lien on every company you own. Silence was not neglect. Silence was strategy. The NOLA article was a shield, not a wound.

Why did Greg abandon the casino? Because a Mississippi Gaming Commission suitability investigation would discover a $6.6 million judgment, a charging order seizing his interests in twelve LLCs, a nominee structure placing his wife on every operating entity, and a registered agent who was his co-defendant in the underlying lawsuit. The Gaming Commission does not issue licenses to applicants who are running from a court order.

Why did Holleman and Glavan panic when we investigated? Not because we found the wrong Greg Stewart’s criminal record. Because our investigation was mapping the corporate structure—the same structure built to hide Greg Stewart’s assets from the charging order. Every SOS filing we pulled, every entity we identified, every address we traced brought the judgment creditor one step closer to the money.

And why is Kenny Glavan still protecting this man? Because the empire that pays Glavan’s salary is the same empire built to evade a $6.6 million court order. If the structure collapses, the judgment creditor seizes the distributions. If the distributions are seized, the hotels lose operating capital. If the hotels lose operating capital, Glavan loses his job. The Burger King is not protecting his boss out of loyalty. He is protecting the structure that keeps the lights on.

We have no evidence that the creditors have been paid. We suspect they have not. We are verifying. And this man is connected to Kenny Glavan—a public figure, an elected official, a named federal defendant whose salary depends on the empire built to evade this judgment.

Publish what’s verified. Investigate the rest. That is the standard we set in the correction. And that is the standard we will hold.

And Kenny—thank you. Because of you, allow us to introduce our newest target.

Linda Hornsby. A rather significant chess piece in our little game. Miss Linda, nice to meet you. We will be in touch.

The Ordinance That Tells You Everything

On April 7, 2026, the Biloxi City Council will vote on an ordinance amendment that tells you everything you need to know about how the 2026 Dixie Mafia works.

Not the words of the ordinance. Not the legalese. Not the planning-and-zoning boilerplate that puts normal people to sleep. What it means. What it does. And most importantly—who it does it for.

Let the undersigned explain.

There is a development in Biloxi called The Retreat. It is a cottage-style rental community—small, detached single-family dwellings marketed for short-term and vacation use. It looks nice. It photographs well. It makes money.

It is owned by Lodging & Leisure Investments. That company is run by Lori Stewart—the wife of Greg Stewart. We will get to Greg Stewart shortly. You will want to sit down for that part.

And who serves as the Area Director of Hotel Operations for that very company? Kenny Glavan. The Council President. The man who silenced the undersigned at a public meeting. The man who screamed “remove him” when a journalist tried to speak. The man who collected DUI charges the way other people collect stamps. The Burger King of Biloxi—presiding over a Council chamber with one hand and clocking in for the hotel empire with the other.

Now here is the problem.

The Retreat is built on land zoned PD-C—Planned Development Commercial. Under the Biloxi Land Development Ordinance, PD-C zoning does not allow single-family detached dwellings. It is not a gray area. It is not ambiguous. It is not a maybe. It is not like a Burger King where you do it your way. It is outright banned. The use is not listed as permitted. It is not listed as conditional. It is not listed at all. Single-family detached dwellings in PD-C do not exist in the ordinance—because they were never supposed to exist on the ground.

But they do exist on the ground. Because Building Official Jerry Creel—mediocre, corrupt, friend of the cartel, rise and shine—approved the building permits anyway.

Creel—the same man who sent armed police to the undersigned’s property over a pool deck. The same man who swore four perjured affidavits and initiated false criminal charges against the undersigned for allegedly disobeying a stop work order—and then allowed those charges to proceed through municipal court. The same man who went on WLOX to personally promote The Retreat like a real estate agent with a city badge. That Jerry Creel looked at building permits for single-family detached dwellings in a commercial zone—a zone where those dwellings are banned—and said: approved.

The Retreat never went before the City Council to update the PD-C Master Plan. There was no public hearing. No vote. No amendment. The development simply appeared—permitted by Creel, built by Stewart’s company, managed by Glavan’s employer—in a zone where it is not allowed to exist. A direct pecuniary benefit to the corrupt Burger King—the wannabe successor of Fool Fool—delivered without a single vote, a single hearing, or a single question from the Council he presides over.

And now—instead of holding anyone accountable—the City Council is being asked to retroactively amend the zoning ordinance to legalize what Creel illegally approved. Change the law to match the violation. Rewrite the rules to fit the crime. Make it all go away with a vote and a handshake.

By the way, City Council—a new tip under “corruption” has been submitted to the FBI on this.

Nobody gets disciplined. Nobody gets fired. Nobody gets charged. The building official who approved an illegal permit gets a raise (4-3, executive session, March 3, 2026). The developer whose wife runs the company gets a zoning amendment. And the Council President who works for that company gets to vote on it.

This is not an isolated case. Monarch Villas, developed by Elliott Homes—same PD-C zoning, same Ward 6, same problem. Single-family detached dwellings where the ordinance says none shall be. Same Building Official who approved it. Same Council being asked to paper over it.

Read that again, dear reader. Because that is not hyperbole. That is not rhetoric. That is the factual record of this city, documented in four federal lawsuits and climbing.

The Demand

This is not a suggestion. This is not a rhetorical flourish for the article. This is a demand grounded in the law of the State of Mississippi.

Kenny Glavan is a public servant—on paper, at least. The Burger King is nothing but a corrupt, self-interested imbecile. But the statute applies to him regardless of his intellect, so let us continue. He is the President of the Biloxi City Council. He is also the Area Director of Hotel Operations for Lodging & Leisure Investments. The April 7 vote is a zoning amendment that directly benefits Lodging & Leisure Investments—the company that employs him, the company that signs his checks, the company whose illegal building permits would be retroactively legalized by his vote.

That is not a gray area. That is the textbook definition of a conflict of interest. Textbook.

There is precedent on this very Council. Jamie Creel—Ward 4 councilman—abstained from the vote on Resolution 434-25, which appointed Currie Johnson & Myers P.A. as outside counsel for the City. Why? Because his brother, William “Jerry” Creel, serves as Director and Secretary of that firm. Jamie Creel recognized that a family connection to the beneficiary of a Council vote required recusal. He stepped aside. He did the right thing.

If a family connection to a law firm requires recusal from a vote appointing that firm, then a direct employment relationship with a development company requires recusal from a vote legalizing that company’s illegal construction. This is not complicated. A first-year law student could diagram this conflict on a napkin.

And yet.

The undersigned has no confidence that Glavan will do the right thing. Because Glavan has never done the right thing. He voted to give Jerry Creel a raise while Creel was a defendant in three federal lawsuits. He ordered a journalist physically removed from a public meeting for saying three words. He presides over a Council chamber like a man who confuses authority with entitlement.

We Are Not the First

The undersigned is not the first person Jerry Creel has done this to. No fewer than five people have come forward to this publication with accounts of the same pattern. We will mention one today—lightly—because this person is prepared to come forward publicly. The others are being documented. Their time will come.

Corey Dalba. Baker Street, Biloxi. 2015–2019.

Dalba operated an auto repair business out of a warehouse at 279 Baker Street—a building that had been in continuous use for over sixty years. He had a lease-to-own arrangement with the property owner. He had a pregnant wife. He had a business. He had a life. An honest guy. Like the undersigned, he loves Porsches—he works on them, builds them, fixes them. He is talented. He is a business owner who employs people and works harder than anyone on his payroll. You will find him covered in grease and oil before you find him behind a desk. He builds things with his hands. He is, in the undersigned’s professional opinion, a badass.

Then the owner of Big Play—the neighboring entertainment venue—wanted to expand. He made Dalba an offer for less than thirty percent of what Dalba was paying. Dalba said no. And that is when the City of Biloxi suddenly discovered that a sixty-year-old building had code violations. Big Play and its ownership will be a target of this publication’s ongoing investigation. We smell friend of the cartel.

And then—suddenly—his building was not up to code. His certificate of occupancy went missing. A structure that had existed and operated for six decades was suddenly, overnight, a problem that required the full attention of the City of Biloxi’s code enforcement apparatus.

Sound familiar?

Jerry Creel threatened to chain the building shut—in open court, in front of Dalba’s attorney, while Dalba’s wife was eight months pregnant.

Jerry—a word of advice from the undersigned, free of charge. Do not ever threaten to show up with chains to any of our properties. Not in court. Not on the phone. Not in writing. Not even playing. Pray to God the undersigned doesn’t even dream that you did. Because the undersigned is not Corey Dalba. The undersigned does not stand down. The undersigned does not lose quietly. And the undersigned promises you—on the record, in front of seventy thousand readers—that you would wish for a different life from that point forward. You would wish for a different life from that point forward. Try us.

Dalba was arrested twice on city ordinance violations. Both charges were fictional. Both were dismissed. He was charged with improper disposal and construction without a permit—things he was not doing. The charges existed for one purpose: to break him.

He was issued stop work orders. His efforts to come into compliance were met with what he describes as “disregard for law.” A building constructed in the 1960s was suddenly required to meet modern code for dual occupancy—at a cost equal to or greater than the value of the property itself. Creel took photographs of the property “for the sake of intimidation.”

In the end, a judge allowed Dalba to remain on the property—but imposed a restriction so absurd it could only have been designed to force him out. Despite having indoor parking for fifty vehicles and outdoor parking for another ten, Dalba was limited to two cars on the property. Two. With $500 per car per day in fines beginning eight days after the ruling. At the time, he had approximately forty vehicles stored—all properly inside the building.

Dalba lost his business. He lost nearly $200,000. He lost his marriage.

The judge in that case, it should be noted, at one point began cursing at Jerry Creel in open court for lawfare. But we know that was for show. They are all friends of the cartel. It did not stop Creel. It was never meant to.

This was 2015 to 2019. Years before the undersigned ever filed a federal lawsuit. Years before peoplevsbiloxi.com existed. Years before the CIU bulletin, the perjured affidavits, the armed police escorts, the Christmas Eve surveillance. Jerry Creel was already running this playbook—targeting property owners who refused to submit, manufacturing violations, initiating criminal charges that would be dismissed, using the machinery of city government as a weapon of coercion.

If Jerry Creel has done this to you—stop work orders, manufactured violations, threats, intimidation, criminal charges that went nowhere—contact us. tips@peoplevsbiloxi.com. You are not alone. You were never alone. You just didn’t know there were others.

The Timeline — How We Got Here

For the reader who is new to this story—and our analytics tell us that thousands of you are—here is the compressed version of what this city has done to a homeowner, his family, and his associates over the past ten months. Every item below is documented in federal court filings. Every date is verified. Every claim has a docket number.

And through all of it—through every abuse of power, every retaliatory act, every perjured affidavit and fabricated citation—the building official who started it all gets a raise, the company that benefits from his illegal permits gets a zoning amendment, and the Council President who works for that company gets to vote on whether to give it to them.

That is the playground. That is how it works.

The Machine

Every playground needs a maintenance crew. Here is Fool Fool’s.

At the top sits Andrew “FoFo” Gilich—the Mayor. He directs. He points. He says “take them out” from behind closed doors and lets other people do the dirty work. His uncle ordered a hit on a judge. Fool Fool orders stop-work operations with armed police. The family tradition is intact—the tools have simply been downgraded from .38 caliber to badge numbers.

One level down is Pete Abide. The Director of Legal Affairs. Not a city employee—a contractor. An outside contractor who billed the City $566,000 in 2024. Then $718,000 in 2025. An outside contractor who directed Jerry Creel to send armed police. He is the man whose office routes building permits. He is the man whose law firm files protective orders to suppress public records. He costs more per year than most Biloxi residents earn in a decade—and he is not even on the payroll.

At the bottom—executing everything—is Jerry Creel. The Building Official. The man who swore perjured affidavits, who approved illegal building permits for The Retreat, who conducted Sunday surveillance operations, who went on WLOX to promote Lodging & Leisure’s development like a company spokesperson, and who ordered criminal prosecution of a homeowner who was three thousand miles away at the time. Creel is the hands of the machine. He does what he is told, when he is told, by whoever is doing the telling. And when it goes wrong, he signs the affidavit anyway.

Kenny Glavan sits in the Council President’s chair. He silences opposition. He votes raises for the people who retaliate against critics. He works for the hotel empire that just received illegal building permits from the man whose raise he approved. And on April 7, he will be asked to vote on whether to legalize the illegal building permits his employer’s company received from the building official whose raise he just approved. If you drew this on a whiteboard, no one would believe it was real.

Christopher De Back is the Police Chief. Appointed by Fool Fool six weeks before he expelled a credentialed journalist from a public meeting. His department issued a CIU bulletin distributing a citizen’s Social Security number to every officer in Biloxi because that citizen painted words on his own wall. De Back’s last name means “stay back” in several languages. He should have listened to it.

And behind all of it—in the shadow where the money comes from—stands Greg Stewart.

Finally, the law firm. Currie Johnson & Myers P.A. Bills both sides of the transaction. Represents the City as outside counsel. Routes permits and inspections through its office. Fabricates engineering findings. Files protective orders to suppress public records that would expose the scheme. And collects fees from the same city whose ordinances it helps circumvent. A full-service operation.

A word on the name.

A Facebook user recently gave the Mayor a new name: Fool Fool. The undersigned likes it. But we are going to spell it our way.

The Mayor’s name is Gilich—one L. His uncle, Mike Gillich Jr., spelled it with two. Mike Jr. was the one who got convicted of ordering the murder of a sitting judge and his wife. The family story goes that somebody added the second L somewhere along the way—or removed it, depending on which branch you ask. The clean branch kept one L. The convicted branch had two.

We are giving the Mayor the convicted spelling back. Fool Fool Gillich. Double L. Double loser. He earned it. The spelling trick was part of the scheme to hide the crimes—and we believe Greg Stewart is running something similar. An entire hotel empire operated through his wife’s name. Not a single filing with his signature. A different kind of spelling trick—same purpose. Distance the name from the operation. Keep the real operator invisible. We see you, Greg.

Rise and Shine

Fool Fool’s playground is getting crowded.

There are now five federal lawsuits pending against the City of Biloxi and its officials. Case 178. Case 233. Case 254. Case 094. And now the Airbnb antitrust action, Case 333. Five separate cases. Five separate docket numbers. Five separate sets of allegations, all pointing at the same machinery, the same people, the same pattern of corruption that has been running this city since the Dixie Mafia set up shop on The Strip.

Seventy thousand readers have visited this website. Not bots. Not crawlers. People. People in Biloxi. People in Jackson. People in Washington. People at the Department of Justice. People at the FBI. People who forward these articles to their friends and say: you need to read this.

The FBI has been notified—again. Because the last time Biloxi’s government became a criminal enterprise, it took the FBI to stop it. The Dixie Mafia didn’t dismantle itself. The Sheriff’s Office didn’t clean itself up. The Mayor who went to prison didn’t resign out of conscience. It took federal agents, federal prosecutors, and federal prison sentences. And it may take them again.

The Dixie Mafia’s answer to exposure was a hitman. Fool Fool’s answer is a CIU bulletin. Same reflex. Different tools. One family sent Nix with a gun. The other sends Creel with a pen. One murdered a judge’s wife. The other distributes Social Security numbers to patrol officers. The body count has changed. The institutional instinct has not.

On April 7, 2026, the Biloxi City Council will convene. There will be an ordinance amendment on the agenda. It will be dressed up in planning-and-zoning language. It will be presented as routine.

It is not routine.

It is the City of Biloxi asking itself to forgive its own violations. It is the building official who approved illegal permits being rewarded instead of disciplined. It is the Council President being invited to vote on the financial interests of the company that employs him. And it is the Mayor’s machine, grinding forward, expecting that nobody is watching.

We are watching.

Seventy thousand readers will be waiting for the report.

So, Fool Fool: enjoy the playground while it lasts.